Aaron Ford
Attorney General
"The System Operator"
- → Background: 5 degrees, former Big Law, plaintiffs' attorney
- → Base: Trial lawyers, unions, Clark County machine
- → Strategy: Establishment favorite, massive fundraising advantage
- → Strength: $1.1B in opioid settlements, statewide name ID
Alexis Hill
Washoe County Chair
"The Technocratic Progressive"
- → Background: City planner, public admin, local government
- → Base: Northern Nevada progressives, anti-MAGA coalition
- → Strategy: Insurgent challenger, bold tax reform proposals
- → Strength: Battle-tested vs. election deniers, policy specificity
The Core Divide
Ford: Work Within the System
Ford represents the continuation of the Harry Reid Democratic machine. His approach is transactional: build coalitions with unions and trial lawyers, use litigation as a policy tool, and avoid alienating business interests. He campaigns as a "consumer champion" but maintains close ties to powerful donors who benefit from state contracts.
Key tell: Ford's former law firm (Eglet Adams) receives millions in state outside counsel contracts while simultaneously funding his campaigns through PACs.
Hill: Change the System
Hill positions herself as a structural reformer willing to tackle Nevada's "third rail"—tax policy. Her margin tax proposal would fundamentally alter Nevada's business-friendly tax structure. She frames this as necessary investment, but critics note she's never won beyond Washoe County and her proposal mirrors one voters rejected 4-to-1 in 2014.
Key tell: Hill attacks "corporate welfare for billionaires" like Tesla, but accepts donations from local developers who then receive favorable votes.
Issue by Issue
| Issue | Ford | Hill |
|---|---|---|
| Economy & Taxes |
Supports Commerce Tax status quo. Focus on consumer protection litigation rather than structural tax reform. Pragmatic |
Margin Tax on businesses to fund services. End tax incentives for large corporations like Tesla. High Risk |
| Housing |
Pushed AB 44 to ban algorithmic rent-fixing. Vetoed by Lombardo. Frames as anti-corporate crusade. Active |
Supports "temporary rent caps" and density increases. Pro-development voting record at county level. Mixed |
| Criminal Justice |
Architect of AB 236 reforms (raised felony threshold). Now pivoting to "support law enforcement" messaging. Vulnerable |
Voted for camping ban criminalizing homelessness. "Law and order" approach at county level. Pragmatic |
| Elections |
Standard support for election administration. Less prominent on this issue. Background |
Defining issue. Forced election certification against deniers. Direct combat with Beadles faction. Battle-tested |
| Immigration |
Co-sponsored 2017 "sanctuary" bill. Now says: "I do not support sanctuary policies. Period." Pivot |
Standard Democratic positions. Not a defining issue for her campaign. Quiet |
| Education |
PhD in Education Admin. Suing Trump admin over DOE dismantling. Pro-union, anti-voucher. Strong |
Margin tax framed as education funding solution. Supported library tax (which failed). Policy-focused |
Follow the Money
Ford's Financial Network
The Loop: Trial lawyers donate to CFJ → CFJ funds Ford → Ford (as AG) hires trial lawyers as outside counsel → Lawyers get millions in fees → Lawyers donate to CFJ.
Hill's Financial Network
The Contradiction: Hill campaigns against "corporate welfare" but developers who donate (Locus, Lepori) receive favorable zoning votes and county contracts.
Vulnerabilities & Attack Vectors
Ford's Weak Points
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IRS Tax Liens ($185K)
Owed IRS while buying $468K home. "Tax-dodging politician" narrative.
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AB 236 / Soft on Crime
Raised felony theft threshold to $1,200. Lombardo's main attack line.
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Corporate-Funded Travel ($140K+)
Trips to South Africa, Qatar, Israel paid by AG Alliance (Amazon, Meta).
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Sanctuary State Flip-Flop
2017: Co-sponsored sanctuary bill. 2025: "I do not support sanctuary policies."
Hill's Weak Points
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Margin Tax = Voters Rejected 4-to-1
2014 Education Initiative was crushed 79-21%. Same policy, different decade.
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Developer Pay-to-Play
Locus donated $2,500 → received favorable zoning votes. Lepori donated → got contracts.
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Limited Name Recognition
Never won beyond Washoe County. Unknown in Clark County where most voters live.
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"Authoritarian" Meeting Management
Restricted public comment, used block votes. Opponents frame as anti-democratic.
The Bottom Line
The Case for Ford
- • Electability: Higher name ID, more money, establishment backing
- • Track Record: $1.1B in opioid settlements is tangible accomplishment
- • Experience: Statewide office, federal litigation experience
- • Coalition: Union + trial lawyer + gaming infrastructure
"Ford is a known quantity—a skilled political operator who can beat Lombardo by running a disciplined, well-funded campaign. Change happens incrementally."
The Case for Hill
- • Fresh Face: Not tied to Reid machine or Las Vegas establishment
- • Policy Clarity: Specific proposals (margin tax) vs. vague promises
- • Battle-Tested: Survived election denier attacks, can take heat
- • Northern Nevada: Could energize Washoe County turnout
"Nevada's problems require structural change, not just better management. Hill is willing to tackle the tax question everyone else avoids."
Reality Check: The Primary Math
Ford's advantage is structural. Approximately 70% of Nevada Democratic primary voters live in Clark County (Las Vegas). Ford has the Reid machine infrastructure, union endorsements, and casino industry relationships that dominate Southern Nevada politics.
Hill's path is narrow. She would need to run up massive margins in Washoe County while significantly overperforming in Clark County—without the money or organization to compete on Las Vegas airwaves.
But primaries are volatile. If Ford stumbles—an ethics scandal, a major gaffe, or if the "soft on crime" attacks from Republicans bleed into Democratic perception—Hill becomes the alternative. Her role may be to keep Ford honest and pull him left on economic policy.